To: Detroit/Seattle
Workers' Voice mailing list
February 28, 2022
by Joseph Green, Detroit Workers’ Voice
After years of intervening in Ukraine, the Russian government has now launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This is a war of choice for the Russian government. It wasn’t forced on Russia, but Putin wanted it in order to bring Ukraine to its knees. This war not only means suffering for the Ukrainian people, but it increases the danger of other wars throughout Europe. Already Putin and Russian officials are threatening military action, even nuclear war, against countries that interfere with the Russian invasion.
Russia, as well as the rest of the world, faces great dangers in the
coming years, but invasion from Ukraine or elsewhere in Europe was not
one of them. Putin prefers to dream of territorial expansion than to
deal with the growing environmental crisis or to accept internal
democratization. He prefers to rely on fossil fuel production to fund
new military adventures than to wean the Russian economy off fossil
fuel or to allow the working masses a real say in Russian
policy.
As the USSR dissolved in 1991, a number of its constituent republics voted to become independent states. They exercised the right to self-determination. Ukraine was one of them, and every section of Ukraine voted in favor of independence.
Good relations might have been maintained between Russia and the newly-independent states, but first Yeltsin and then Putin used military action against some of them in order to restore Russian control over them. These actions have poisoned relations with these countries, and they have also helped erode the rights of the Russian people as well. There were two vicious wars to suppress the Chechen people, who wanted to be included among the republics given the right to exercise self-determination. There were military actions in Georgia and Moldova, and in 2014 Russia seized Crimea from Ukraine and also intervened in the Donbas. The current invasion of Ukraine is a continuation of this ongoing policy of Russian expansionism.
In preparing for this military adventure, Putin orchestrated a hate
campaign against Ukraine and Ukrainians. This led up to Putin even
declaring that Ukraine isn’t a real country. On this pretext, he
didn’t bother to declare war on Ukraine, but described the invasion as
just a special military action. This denigrates the centuries of
history of Ukrainian life and struggle. Moreover, even as a constituent
republic of the USSR it had been a founding member of the UN, with its
own seat in the General Assembly since 1945.
But it isn’t proving as easy to destroy the national existence of a country as Putin had believed. Ukrainian resistance has been stubborn, and the attempted Russian blitzkrieg has already turned into a protracted struggle.
The Russian army has an overwhelming superiority in size and weapons against Ukraine, and it has invaded Ukraine from the North, East, and South. As one can see, it is not Russia, but Ukraine that has been surrounded with hostile troops. These troops have struck at Ukraine from the land, sea, and air, and they expected to occupy the capital Kyiv and other major cities rapidly, perhaps on the first day.
But the Ukrainian army hasn’t fallen apart, and the Ukrainian people didn’t panic and scatter. The Russian army faced stiff resistance, and key positions have often changed hands several times. Not just the Ukrainian armed forces are fighting, but arms are being distributed to the general population as well. This reflects the determination of the people to defend their national existence.
Meanwhile the invading forces have faced the problem of low morale among many soldiers, bad planning that has led to motorized units running out of fuel, and repeated setbacks. No doubt the Russian army will reorganize, and it has been throwing more and more troops into the battle. Cities will fall, and Ukrainians will be faced with a long, difficult struggle. But the Ukrainian resistance has already changed the political situation, encouraged the anti-war forces, exposed the lies about Ukraine being a failed country, and raised the image of Ukraine in the international arena.
On the first day of the invasion, anti-war demonstrations broke out throughout Russia; they have taken place in 60 or more cities, and there have been over 4,000 arrests of demonstrators. Despite repression, the weeks of “hate Ukraine” propaganda, the threat of being labeled traitors or terrorists, and the government’s efforts to hide the truth about what was going on in Ukraine, protesters bravely stood up to denounce the war and show that the Russian people don’t want to fight the Ukrainian people, with whom many Russians have close relations. This shows that Putin’s policies do not reflect the real “Russian world”, but only the will of Putin and the Russian ruling class. It is one of the most promising developments and shows something of the potential for unity between the working people of Russia and Ukraine.
The website “Countervortex” describes the first protests as follows (https://countervortex.org/blog/anti-war-protests-sweep-across-russia/):
“Thousands of people have taken to the streets of cities across Russia in open protest of Putin’s invasion of Ukraine—from Kaliningrad in the west to Vladivostok in the east. What began as isolated ‘solo pickets’—essentially the only legal form of public protest in Russia—quickly snowballed into mass unpermitted marches and rallies. The largest demonstrations were reported from Moscow and St Petersburg, where they were met with riot police in full body armor. In Moscow, Red Square was closed off by military vehicles, preventing protesters from marching on the seat of government power. Independent monitoring group OVD-Info (https://ovdinfo.org/) counted some 1,800 protesters arrested by security forces in some 60 cities, including Tyumen, Kazan, Rostov-on-Don, Novgorod, Novosibirsk, Irkutsk and Yekaterinburg. Popular slogans include ‘No to war’ and ‘Hands off Ukraine.’ Many demonstrators were heard to shout “Arrest Putin, not me!” as they were dragged away by police. (Euronews, Moscow Times, Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, The Guardian, LBC, CBC, NYT, OVD-Info, OVD-Info)”
Protests have also taken place in a number of cities around the world, such as Bologna, Italy; Munich Germany; Wenceslaus Square, Prague; and New York City.
One activist described the action in New York City as follows:
“Today I joined a demonstration of about 1,000 Ukrainians protesting Putin's invasion of Ukraine. [It] marched to various locations in Manhattan. I joined them at the Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation at 6th and Lexington Ave.
“The demonstration was called by Razom (Together). It was described to me as a pro-democracy and progressive organization. … The most common slogans were ‘End the War,’ ‘Russia out of Ukraine,’ and ‘Stop Putin.’ Only a few of the many signs called upon the U.S, to arm Ukraine. One sign called upon the U.S. and E.U. to act. There were no right-wing slogans or chants. There were many blue and gold Ukrainian flags and some Belorussian flags.
“The hastily organized protest had no speakers and no literature.” (Dan La Botz)
It’s notable that the invasion was also denounced in Myanmar. The
people there are involved in a harsh, bitter struggle against the
military regime that took power in a coup last February, with
demonstrations in cities having been drowned in blood while armed
resistance to the military has flared throughout the countryside. In
this situation, the military butchers support the invasion of Ukraine,
while the democratic forces — both the National Unity Government in
exile and the insurgent fighters — have denounced Putin’s war on
Ukraine.
Meanwhile the African Union, which contains 55 member countries, has denounced the invasion of Ukraine.
But the military regime in Sudan, which seized power last October 25
and has been shooting down demonstrators ever since, see things
differently. Number two murderer Mohamed “Hemeti” Dagalo, the Deputy
Head of the regime, visited Moscow to appeal for more weapons and
aid, and while there he endorsed the invasion.
Putin wants to make the issue of Ukraine into one of the Russian sphere of influence versus the Western sphere of influence; he wants a redivision of Europe. He claims that Bush and Gorbachev agreed privately to such a division in 1990, but the terms weren’t followed. But whether there was such a secret agreement or not, this would be the politics of two big powers carving up Europe.
Indeed, it is notable that Putin’s demands against Ukraine include demands for changes throughout Europe, and they call for agreement from the US, NATO, and other countries. He is invading Ukraine, but he is issuing threats, even nuclear threats, against any country which won’t fall in line with his plans. And there isn’t even the pretext of treating Ukraine as an equal.
Ukraine isn’t simply an extension of this or that big power, but is
a country in its own right. Over the years, it has sought relations
with both Russia and the EU, but it is not simply an extension of
either. It has a bourgeois government and economy, but so does Russia;
indeed, Ukraine suffers from rich oligarchs which have been connected
to the Russian oligarchs. In its resistance to the Russian invasion, it
is obtaining arms from the US and EU, but it doesn’t really have a
choice for where else to get them. Russia itself used a massive amount
of American aid in World War 2, and Putin’s current demand is
that the US and NATO should collaborate with him in imposing the
redivision of Europe that Putin wants.
The right to self-determination isn’t socialism. Ukraine does not have a revolutionary government, but a bourgeois government pursuing neoliberal reforms promoted by the EU. While Ukraine is more democratic than it was when it first left the USSR, it still is only partially democratic, although certainly more so than Russia. Indeed, Russia has intervened to slander and opposed each major attempt at a step forward by the Ukrainian people. And the separation off of Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk from Ukraine by Russian intervention has cast a major pall on Ukrainian politics. This is one of the reasons why the right to self-determination is important for the working masses of Ukraine, including many socialist Ukrainians whose ultimate goal goes beyond independence. The return of Ukraine to Russian domination would set back the mass struggle in Ukraine for years. <>
Below is is an excellent statement from the longtime Australian activist Michael Karadjis, which he posted on Facebook.
Full solidarity with the people of Ukraine as they attempt to
resist, with what little they've got, the invasion of their country by
a neighbouring nuclear-armed imperialist super-power. Listen to what
people in Kiev are saying, as they watch missiles raining down. This is
Putin's version of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. This is the main
thing that has to be said right now. All the rest is secondary.
Yes, I cringe when I hear [Australian Prime Minister] Morrison condemn atrocities and violations of international law, because we know it reeks of hypocrisy. Yes the hypocrisy of the US and western imperialism in condemning this invasion while endorsing others is disgusting. But for those of us who have always condemned US invasions and bombings, the flagrant violations of international law and human rights by US allies like Israel, always covered up by the US etc, is horrendous.
But that is all secondary at this moment. Important, but too often used as apologism. There is no equivalence here. When Israel bombs the Palestinian people in lands they have illegally conquered and occupied, I don't spend time giving equal blame to Arab states. When the US invaded Iraq, I didn't spend time pointing out how hypocritical Russia was to condemn it after it had obliterated Chechnya. No, this is not "just like 1914" because it is not an inter-imperialist war, it is a one-sided imperialist conquest.
Putin is a world-class war-criminal and a key recognised leader of
the global far-right and fascist international, and the only hope here
is that his megalomania has led him too far, and hence may lead to his
first defeat.
Victory to the Ukrainian people's resistance to the Russian imperialist onslaught, and solidarity with human beings being slaughtered, burnt, uprooted. <>
Despite well over 4,000 arrests, anti-war protests continue throughout Russia. The Feminist Anti-War Resistance is part of this wave of protest, and it opposes both "the war and the government that started it". It has made the following appeal, which appears in Jacobin magazine under the title “Russia’s Feminists are in the Streets Protesting Putin’s War”:
On February 24, at around 5:30 AM Moscow time, Russian president Vladimir Putin announced a “special operation” on the territory of Ukraine in order to “denazify” and “demilitarize” this sovereign state. This operation had long been in preparation. For several months, Russian troops were moving up to the border with Ukraine. At the same time, the leadership of our country denied any possibility of a military attack. Now we see that this was a lie.
Russia has declared war on its neighbor. It did not allow Ukraine the right to self-determination nor any hope of a peaceful life. We declare — and not for the first time — that war has been waged for the last eight years at the initiative of the Russian government. The war in Donbas is a consequence of the illegal annexation of Crimea. We believe that Russia and its president are not and have never been concerned about the fate of people in Luhansk and Donetsk, and the recognition of the republics after eight years was only a pretext for the invasion of Ukraine under the guise of liberation.
As Russian citizens and feminists, we condemn this war. Feminism as a political force cannot be on the side of a war of aggression and military occupation. The feminist movement in Russia struggles for vulnerable groups and the development of a just society with equal opportunities and prospects, in which there can be no place for violence and military conflicts.
War means violence, poverty, forced displacement, broken lives, insecurity, and the lack of a future. It is irreconcilable with the essential values and goals of the feminist movement. War exacerbates gender inequality and sets back gains for human rights by many years. War brings with it not only the violence of bombs and bullets but also sexual violence: as history shows, during war, the risk of being raped increases several times for any woman. For these and many other reasons, Russian feminists and those who share feminist values ??need to take a strong stand against this war unleashed by the leadership of our country.
The current war, as Putin’s addresses show, is also fought under the banner of the “traditional values” declared by government ideologues — values that Russia allegedly decided to promote throughout the world as a missionary, using violence against those who refuse to accept them or hold other views. Anyone who is capable of critical thinking understands well that these “traditional values” include gender inequality, exploitation of women, and state repression against those whose way of life, self-identification, and actions do not conform with narrow patriarchal norms. The justification of the occupation of a neighboring state by the desire to promote such distorted norms and pursue a demagogic “liberation” is another reason why feminists throughout Russia must oppose this war with all their energy.
Today feminists are one of the few active political forces in Russia. For a long time, Russian authorities did not perceive us as a dangerous political movement, and therefore we were temporarily less affected by state repression than other political groups. Currently more than forty-five different feminist organizations are operating throughout the country, from Kaliningrad to Vladivostok, from Rostov-on-Don to Ulan-Ude and Murmansk. We call on Russian feminist groups and individual feminists to join the Feminist Anti-War Resistance and unite forces to actively oppose the war and the government that started it. We also call on feminists all over the world to join our resistance. We are many, and together we can do a lot: Over the past ten years, the feminist movement has gained enormous media and cultural power. It is time to turn it into political power. We are the opposition to war, patriarchy, authoritarianism, and militarism. We are the future that will prevail.
We call on feminists around the world:
* Join peaceful demonstrations and launch offline and online campaigns against the war in Ukraine and Putin’s dictatorship, organizing your own actions. Feel free to use the symbol of the Feminist Anti-War Resistance movement in your materials and publications, as well as hashtags #FeministAntiWarResistance and #FeministsAgainstWar.
* Distribute the information about the war in Ukraine and Putin’s aggression. We need the whole world to support Ukraine at this moment and to refuse to help Putin’s regime in any way.
* Share this manifesto with others. It’s necessary to show that
feminists are against this war — and any type of war. It’s also
essential to demonstrate that there are still Russian activists who are
ready to unite in opposition to Putin’s regime. We are all in danger of
persecution by the state now and need your support. <>
Picture: Protesters in St. Petersburg, Russia, denounce the invasion of Ukraine,
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