From the Detroit/Seattle Workers' Voice mailing list
December 8, 2024
Hail the overthrow of the bloody Assad dictatorship in Syria!
by Joseph Green, Detroit Workers’ Voice
The murderous dictator Assad has fled. Prisoners are being released from years of torturous imprisonment in jail throughout many cities of Syria. Some of the people forced out of their homes have started to return. A new day may dawn in Syria.
It was not the outside powers that removed Assad, but the Syrian people acting in defiance of both the dictatorship and the outside powers. The uprising of 2011 against the Assad dictatorship turned into a protracted civil war because the regime was strengthened by outside powers and able to resist the democratic forces. Iran, Hezbollah, Russia, ISIS, Turkey, the US, Iraq, Israel, and others intervened, bombed, sent troops or militia, and sent aid to Assad or pretended sympathy to the people while in fact holding back their struggle or using it as an opportunity to take their own slice of Syria. The international negotiations over Syria’s fate were a farce, in which the wolves devouring Syria posed as humanitarians but aimed at a solution that held the Syrian people down.
The fall of the dictatorship doesn't mean the struggle is over. Assad has fled, but this doesn't mean that all the forces of Ba'ath party dictatorship have surrendered. Moreover, there is much work to do because the long years of dictatorship and bloody repression, and of outside powers adding to the slaughter of Syrians, has left Syria divided into different armed groups, dominating different regions, while the outside powers are still there.
Some of the anti-Assad forces cooperated in the recent offensive against the Assad dictatorship, and this was vital for driving Assad out of the country. But now there needs to be something further, agreement between the factions on a democratic administration. The future may see differences being resolved, or it may see more fighting. The recent offensive that liberated Aleppo, Hama, Homs, and Damascus was based on appeals against sectarianism and promises to protect the various religious and ethnic groups, and much depends on whether this is carried out.
Meanwhile the outside powers will seek to maintain their grip on their slices of Syria, their armed bases in Syria, and their control over negotiations about what goes on in Syria. They will seek to prolong divisions among the Syrian people, and will be a dangerous and influential force promoting war and disorder in one form or another.
Millions of Syrians -- both inside Syria and refugees scattered in other countries -- are celebrating the end of the notorious Ba'ath dictatorship. And not just Syrians, but progressive people around the world. This is as it should be. But this doesn’t mean that the struggle over dictatorship and repression and outside influence is over. A new phase of the struggle to obtain democratic rights is beginning in Syria, and the working people of Syria still have many trials ahead.
Let us join the Syrian democrats in celebrating the downfall of the Assad dictatorship! And let this be a preparation for supporting the Syrian people in the days ahead as they work to overcome sectarian divisions, to expel foreign imperialists, and to provide better conditions for millions of Syrians devastated by the long years of the civil war.
The democratic struggle in Syria deserves the support of all working people around the world. And it needs this continuing support in order to help resist the pressure of the outside powers, as well as to back the working people in Syria in their struggle for their economic needs as well as for their democratic rights. In turn, the civil war in Syria has helped reveal which forces around the world really stand for democratic rights and which are happy to cozy up to dictators like Assad.
For more information about the struggle against the Syrian dictatorship, as well as the surprising debate within the anti-imperialist left over whether to support it, see https://www.communistvoice.org/00Syria.html. <>
What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
The ugly face of the KKE:
it condemns the overthrow of the Assad regime
by Joseph Green, Detroit Workers' Voice
The KKE (Communist Party of Greece), which is widely respected in certain sections of the radical left, has strongly condemned the overthrow of Assad, denouncing it as an imperialist plot. This is another example depth of the crisis of orientation in the radical left. This event show the importance of the anti-revisionist struggle against sham revolutionism and empty phrasemongering, because the KKE presents itself as the most revolutionary and Marxist of all, thus dragging Marxism-Leninism and anti-imperialism and communism through the mud. If revolutionary theory is to be preserved, if it is to once again lead the struggle of the militant working class, then there must be a fight against those who condemn the struggle against oppression in the name of a sham anti-imperialism and sham Marxism.
What the KKE does is not an unusual exception; it is the stand of an influential section of the anti-war movement. It is another example of backing one imperialist camp against another, because the KKE hides its stands of backing vicious tyranny by condemning Western imperialist powers, while being silent on Russia, Iran, etc. Russian bombing of Syrian people and Iranian military support were crucial for keeping Assad in power, but not important enough for KKE to take note of.
And as far as the Syrian people being tortured and imprisoned and starved and bombed, the KKE insists it has the strongest support for the people. Why, it apparently can not conceive of anyone going any further than the KKK, which oh-so-boldly and heroically states that "The Syrian people are now paying the price of the capitalist path of development..." and calls the Syrian regime "bourgeois". Surely these statements are much more effective than actually fighting the Assad tyranny.
Indeed, with regard to any direct support for the working people of Syria, the KKE condemns the mass struggle as ineffective and a pawn of imperialism. In the KKE's eyes, it is better to simply have "ideological and political differences" with the bloody dictators and butchers (maybe while having tea with other supporters of the regime?), although the content of these differences is apparently not important enough for the statement to mention, and for the Syrian people themselves to mention any difference they had with the Ba'ath regime of murderer Assad would generally get them thrown into prison and tortured. One might also notice that the KKE cannot support the democratic struggle, while having "ideological and political differences" with it; it can, however, shed tears over the downfall of Assad while having "ideological and political differences" with it.
The last paragraph explains a bit more why the KKE could not back the anti-Assad struggle. It says that any struggle, "in order to be effective, must target the system of capitalist exploitation and the monopolies that give rise to and reproduce these impasses." Since a mere democratic struggle does not, the KKE will, in its own mind, support the people and target capitalist exploitation and the monopolies -- by condemning the anti-Assad struggle and all such struggles that just happen to oppose the interest of those bourgeois and imperialist forces that the KKE favors.
The statement below is from https://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/Statem ... -in-Syria/.
it condemns the overthrow of the Assad regime
by Joseph Green, Detroit Workers' Voice
The KKE (Communist Party of Greece), which is widely respected in certain sections of the radical left, has strongly condemned the overthrow of Assad, denouncing it as an imperialist plot. This is another example depth of the crisis of orientation in the radical left. This event show the importance of the anti-revisionist struggle against sham revolutionism and empty phrasemongering, because the KKE presents itself as the most revolutionary and Marxist of all, thus dragging Marxism-Leninism and anti-imperialism and communism through the mud. If revolutionary theory is to be preserved, if it is to once again lead the struggle of the militant working class, then there must be a fight against those who condemn the struggle against oppression in the name of a sham anti-imperialism and sham Marxism.
What the KKE does is not an unusual exception; it is the stand of an influential section of the anti-war movement. It is another example of backing one imperialist camp against another, because the KKE hides its stands of backing vicious tyranny by condemning Western imperialist powers, while being silent on Russia, Iran, etc. Russian bombing of Syrian people and Iranian military support were crucial for keeping Assad in power, but not important enough for KKE to take note of.
And as far as the Syrian people being tortured and imprisoned and starved and bombed, the KKE insists it has the strongest support for the people. Why, it apparently can not conceive of anyone going any further than the KKK, which oh-so-boldly and heroically states that "The Syrian people are now paying the price of the capitalist path of development..." and calls the Syrian regime "bourgeois". Surely these statements are much more effective than actually fighting the Assad tyranny.
Indeed, with regard to any direct support for the working people of Syria, the KKE condemns the mass struggle as ineffective and a pawn of imperialism. In the KKE's eyes, it is better to simply have "ideological and political differences" with the bloody dictators and butchers (maybe while having tea with other supporters of the regime?), although the content of these differences is apparently not important enough for the statement to mention, and for the Syrian people themselves to mention any difference they had with the Ba'ath regime of murderer Assad would generally get them thrown into prison and tortured. One might also notice that the KKE cannot support the democratic struggle, while having "ideological and political differences" with it; it can, however, shed tears over the downfall of Assad while having "ideological and political differences" with it.
The last paragraph explains a bit more why the KKE could not back the anti-Assad struggle. It says that any struggle, "in order to be effective, must target the system of capitalist exploitation and the monopolies that give rise to and reproduce these impasses." Since a mere democratic struggle does not, the KKE will, in its own mind, support the people and target capitalist exploitation and the monopolies -- by condemning the anti-Assad struggle and all such struggles that just happen to oppose the interest of those bourgeois and imperialist forces that the KKE favors.
The statement below is from https://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/Statem ... -in-Syria/.
Press Office of the CC of the KKE
Statement on the developments in Syria
The intervention in Syria and the domination of the jihadists is another link in the chain of the dangerous developments for the peoples that the imperialist powers of the USA, the EU, NATO, Turkey and Israel are carrying out in the wider Middle East region. It is a continuation of the ongoing massacre of the Palestinian people, the attacks on the Lebanese people and the targeting of Iran.
From the beginning, in 2011, the KKE has taken a consistent and firm position on the developments in Syria, exposing the dangerous changes that followed the so-called Arab Spring to the detriment of the peoples. Today, the same reactionary forces, “rebranded” by the NATO member state of Turkey, are dubbed “rebels” and presented by the bourgeois media as the “liberators” of the Syrian people. The same propaganda about “the restoration of democracy" is being repeated, which was the pretext of the imperialists for the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, etc., and which today has turned the Middle East into a region in flames.
The KKE has made it clear that despite ideological and political differences with the bourgeois Syrian regime and the criticism of its policies, it condemns the plans of the USA, Israel and Turkey, which constitute interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign country.
The Syrian people are now paying the price of the capitalist path of development, the struggle between the imperialist powers for raw materials, pipelines and transport routes, military bases, geopolitical footholds and market shares.
The situation that is currently taking shape in Syria not only will not end the suffering of the peoples of the region, but also carries the risk of new imperialist wars and possible border changes, with new rounds of bloody conflicts and new waves of refugees.
The New Democracy government has welcomed the overthrow of Assad, i.e. the collapse of the country by the jihadists with the support of Turkey, Israel and the USA, and bears a great responsibility. It has welcomed the intervention of these forces in a foreign country, with all that this implies, in order not to disrupt the NATO line and the "peaceful waters" policy with Turkey. The hypocrisy of the government and the other pro-NATO parties is beyond all limits, because on the one hand they denounce 'revisionism' and on the other hand they legitimize it. This attitude is part of the dangerous policy of the government and the other pro-NATO parties, which are dragging the country into military adventurism in Ukraine, the Middle East and other regions of the world, where the interests of the capitalists of the Euro-Atlantic axis are at stake against the competing interests of the Eurasian axis that is being formed.
The KKE stands by the people and the communists of Syria and stresses that the struggle against the social impasses of poverty, the impoverishment of the peoples, the imperialist interventions and wars, in order to be effective, must target the system of capitalist exploitation and the monopolies that give rise to and reproduce these impasses.
09.12.2024 <>
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
Thanks for posting this statement of the KKE, Joseph. It's shocking, though I haven't followed the KKE. It looks like they always opposed the Arab Spring, so maybe it's not so surprising.
Typo: In paragraph 3, sentence 2, you type "KKK" instead of "KKE"; a funny mistake. More seriously, I had trouble understanding some of this paragraph, especially the reference to "the Syrian regime." I didn't know if that meant the Assad regime or the new regime (not yet consolidated). I figured this out better after reading the KKE statement. So, they actually criticize the Assad regime as bourgeois and as following the capitalist road to development, and blame it for inviting in all kinds of troubles and outside interventions. But this is only generalized criticism. Concretely, when it comes to the actual aid supplied by Russia and Iran to Assad, there's no criticism of that. I guess Russia's bombing of the Syrian population doesn't count as imperialist intervention, since it was invited in by Assad.
A couple other things hard to understand: 1) They refer to the New Democracy government. I guess this is the Greek government? 2) They refer to the Western powers' hypocrisy because they condemn "revisionism" and yet practice it. I guess they mean the Western powers' insistence that there be no "revising" of territorial boundaries or change of governments, for example in Ukraine. And yet, according to KKE, they are practicing it in Syria.
Some of their views are simply questionable, factually. They say the rebels are supported by the U.S. But the U.S. has actually been pretty nervous about the recent developments. And the U.S. never did much against Assad, in any case. Obama threatened a "red line" if Assad used chemical weapons; then, after Assad did, Obama scowled and stepped back. Trump sent a couple missiles at Syria after another chemical weapons attack; but then lost interest. ... They speculate that the overthrow of Assad may produce another big outflow of refugees. But it may actually produce a reverse inflow of refugees. It's too early to tell. But while they're at it, why not condemn the Assad regime for producing the mass outflow of refugees in the first place? They make it sound like Syria was a nice, peaceful, friendly place -- capitalist, unfortunately, but at least at peace with itself and its neighbors -- but the overthrow of Assad may produce big disruptions. They "forget" that Assad's regime produced the refugee crisis in the first place. And Russian airstrikes and dropping barrel bombs on the population didn't make Syria a very friendly, peaceful place.
Typo: In paragraph 3, sentence 2, you type "KKK" instead of "KKE"; a funny mistake. More seriously, I had trouble understanding some of this paragraph, especially the reference to "the Syrian regime." I didn't know if that meant the Assad regime or the new regime (not yet consolidated). I figured this out better after reading the KKE statement. So, they actually criticize the Assad regime as bourgeois and as following the capitalist road to development, and blame it for inviting in all kinds of troubles and outside interventions. But this is only generalized criticism. Concretely, when it comes to the actual aid supplied by Russia and Iran to Assad, there's no criticism of that. I guess Russia's bombing of the Syrian population doesn't count as imperialist intervention, since it was invited in by Assad.
A couple other things hard to understand: 1) They refer to the New Democracy government. I guess this is the Greek government? 2) They refer to the Western powers' hypocrisy because they condemn "revisionism" and yet practice it. I guess they mean the Western powers' insistence that there be no "revising" of territorial boundaries or change of governments, for example in Ukraine. And yet, according to KKE, they are practicing it in Syria.
Some of their views are simply questionable, factually. They say the rebels are supported by the U.S. But the U.S. has actually been pretty nervous about the recent developments. And the U.S. never did much against Assad, in any case. Obama threatened a "red line" if Assad used chemical weapons; then, after Assad did, Obama scowled and stepped back. Trump sent a couple missiles at Syria after another chemical weapons attack; but then lost interest. ... They speculate that the overthrow of Assad may produce another big outflow of refugees. But it may actually produce a reverse inflow of refugees. It's too early to tell. But while they're at it, why not condemn the Assad regime for producing the mass outflow of refugees in the first place? They make it sound like Syria was a nice, peaceful, friendly place -- capitalist, unfortunately, but at least at peace with itself and its neighbors -- but the overthrow of Assad may produce big disruptions. They "forget" that Assad's regime produced the refugee crisis in the first place. And Russian airstrikes and dropping barrel bombs on the population didn't make Syria a very friendly, peaceful place.
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
We shall see what comes of all this, but it certainly seems better than the SDF and the Damascus government fighting each other.
SDF LEADERSHIP RECEIVES MESSAGE FROM OCALAN, SHOWS FLEXIBILITY IN NEGOTIATING TO MERGE WITH SYRIAN GOVERNMENT
Developments in Syria, especially in the Kurdish regions, are accelerating, with increasing coordination between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian government. Ocalan’s messages and the support for peaceful efforts by the Kurdistan Region are expected to positively affect the future of relations between the Kurds and Turkey, as well as the position of the Syrian government in the country’s political future, and the future of the SDF, which appear to have succumbed to pressure to join the Syrian army and government.
The spokeswoman for the Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey, Ayşe Gül Doğan, revealed that the leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Abdullah Ocalan, sent three letters from his prison on Imrali Island, one of which was to the leadership of the Kurdish SDF forces in northern and eastern Syria.
Dogan added that Ocalan also sent two letters to the Kurdistan Communities Union in Qandil, northern Iraq, and the Kurdistan Democratic Community Congress and the Kurdistan National Congress in Europe, but she did not reveal the content of the letters.
In a parallel context, the President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, Nechirvan Barzani, affirmed his support for efforts to achieve peace between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers' Party, and expressed his hope that the Kurdish party would adopt a strategic vision for peace, following Ocalan's message, which may be a turning point in the course of these negotiations.
Kurdish sources said that at an expanded meeting between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), a number of steps were agreed upon to strengthen Syria’s unity and stability. It was also agreed to integrate the SDF and the security institutions affiliated with the Autonomous Administration into the structure of the Syrian army, which reflects the trend towards greater coordination with the Syrian government in the next phase.
It was also agreed to reactivate civil and service institutions affiliated with the state in northern and eastern Syria, in addition to the necessity of withdrawing non-Syrian foreign fighters from the SDF’s ranks and from the region of northern and eastern Syria as a step to enhance national sovereignty and stability. This comes within the framework of strengthening national unity and intensifying coordination with the Syrian government on security and political issues.
In this context, emphasis was placed on enhancing coordination with the Syrian government and intensifying meetings to enhance cooperation on national issues, including the humanitarian, political and security challenges facing the country. The agreement also included emphasis on the unity of Syria, facilitating the return of displaced persons and former refugees to their cities and villages and providing suitable living conditions for them.
The Commander-in-Chief of the SDF militia, General Mazloum Abdi, congratulated the President of the Syrian Republic, Ahmad Al-Shara, on assuming the presidency of the country, indicating that there are joint efforts to reach solutions that achieve the national interest. This came in an exclusive interview with North Press.
During the meeting, Abdi congratulated President Sharaa on assuming the presidency of the country in this important transitional phase, expressing his hope that Sharaa would be able to successfully lead Syria in this sensitive period. General Abdi also stressed his forces' support for any efforts that contribute to achieving stability and national unity in the country.
Regarding the fate of the negotiations between the SDF and the Syrian government, Abdi explained that efforts to prepare a suitable ground for negotiations with Damascus are still ongoing, stressing that serious and purposeful dialogue is the best way to achieve solutions that meet Syria's supreme national interest.
Sharaa's visit to Afrin and invitation to visit northeastern Syria
Commenting on the visit of the head of the transitional phase in Syria, Ahmed Sharaa, to the city of Afrin, General Abdi described the visit as an "important initiative" aimed at encouraging the safe return of the indigenous population and promoting dialogue between the concerned parties. Abdi added that he invites Sharaa to visit the cities of northeastern Syria to enhance communication between all Syrians.
Commitment to Syria's unity and justice
Abdi explained that there are points of agreement with Damascus on some files, but there are other issues still under discussion. However, he stressed the commitment of the Syrian Democratic Forces to Syria's unity on the basis of justice and equality among all Syrians, far from any discrimination or quotas.
On cooperation in the security file and combating terrorism
Commenting on the negotiations on some pending issues, such as the removal of non-Syrian fighters from the ranks of the SDF and handing over the security file to the Syrian government, General Abdi said that his forces are open to cooperation in this field, stressing that protecting the region and combating terrorism is a national responsibility that requires high coordination between all parties to ensure the security and stability of Syria.
Abdi pointed out that the SDF is working to organize another visit to Damascus to discuss a clear plan of action to implement what is reached in the upcoming meetings, stressing that the national solution that all Syrians agree on is the main goal.
Turkish political circles are cautiously awaiting an expected call from the leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Ocalan, in mid-February, calling on his party to lay down its arms. This move comes after intense political movements that included meetings between the Peoples’ Democracy and Equality Party (DEM) deputies and Ocalan in his prison on Imrali Island, in addition to increasing statements by Turkish officials calling for a peaceful solution with the party.
The Turkish newspaper Hurriyet revealed that the leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party, Abdullah Ocalan, who is imprisoned in Turkey, intends to announce the dissolution of the party and call on its militants to lay down their arms on February 15, coinciding with the 26th anniversary of his arrest. The party supports the "Syrian Democratic Forces" in Syria, and has military arms that it supports within the component whose fate has become complicated if Ocalan's call is implemented.
The fall of the Assad regime was a severe blow to the SDF, which found itself in a confrontation with the Military Operations Administration, which refuses to allow any separatist project to remain within Syrian territory. Its operations were to liberate the rest of the Syrian territories from the control of the SDF, and it was able to expel it from the areas of al-Shahba, Manbij, the city of Deir ez-Zor and its countryside, amidst the continuation of battles with the components of the Syrian National Army in Manbij and areas in eastern Syria.’
- S.N.N.
February 18, 2025
SDF LEADERSHIP RECEIVES MESSAGE FROM OCALAN, SHOWS FLEXIBILITY IN NEGOTIATING TO MERGE WITH SYRIAN GOVERNMENT
Developments in Syria, especially in the Kurdish regions, are accelerating, with increasing coordination between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian government. Ocalan’s messages and the support for peaceful efforts by the Kurdistan Region are expected to positively affect the future of relations between the Kurds and Turkey, as well as the position of the Syrian government in the country’s political future, and the future of the SDF, which appear to have succumbed to pressure to join the Syrian army and government.
The spokeswoman for the Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP) in Turkey, Ayşe Gül Doğan, revealed that the leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), Abdullah Ocalan, sent three letters from his prison on Imrali Island, one of which was to the leadership of the Kurdish SDF forces in northern and eastern Syria.
Dogan added that Ocalan also sent two letters to the Kurdistan Communities Union in Qandil, northern Iraq, and the Kurdistan Democratic Community Congress and the Kurdistan National Congress in Europe, but she did not reveal the content of the letters.
In a parallel context, the President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, Nechirvan Barzani, affirmed his support for efforts to achieve peace between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers' Party, and expressed his hope that the Kurdish party would adopt a strategic vision for peace, following Ocalan's message, which may be a turning point in the course of these negotiations.
Kurdish sources said that at an expanded meeting between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian Democratic Council (SDC), a number of steps were agreed upon to strengthen Syria’s unity and stability. It was also agreed to integrate the SDF and the security institutions affiliated with the Autonomous Administration into the structure of the Syrian army, which reflects the trend towards greater coordination with the Syrian government in the next phase.
It was also agreed to reactivate civil and service institutions affiliated with the state in northern and eastern Syria, in addition to the necessity of withdrawing non-Syrian foreign fighters from the SDF’s ranks and from the region of northern and eastern Syria as a step to enhance national sovereignty and stability. This comes within the framework of strengthening national unity and intensifying coordination with the Syrian government on security and political issues.
In this context, emphasis was placed on enhancing coordination with the Syrian government and intensifying meetings to enhance cooperation on national issues, including the humanitarian, political and security challenges facing the country. The agreement also included emphasis on the unity of Syria, facilitating the return of displaced persons and former refugees to their cities and villages and providing suitable living conditions for them.
The Commander-in-Chief of the SDF militia, General Mazloum Abdi, congratulated the President of the Syrian Republic, Ahmad Al-Shara, on assuming the presidency of the country, indicating that there are joint efforts to reach solutions that achieve the national interest. This came in an exclusive interview with North Press.
During the meeting, Abdi congratulated President Sharaa on assuming the presidency of the country in this important transitional phase, expressing his hope that Sharaa would be able to successfully lead Syria in this sensitive period. General Abdi also stressed his forces' support for any efforts that contribute to achieving stability and national unity in the country.
Regarding the fate of the negotiations between the SDF and the Syrian government, Abdi explained that efforts to prepare a suitable ground for negotiations with Damascus are still ongoing, stressing that serious and purposeful dialogue is the best way to achieve solutions that meet Syria's supreme national interest.
Sharaa's visit to Afrin and invitation to visit northeastern Syria
Commenting on the visit of the head of the transitional phase in Syria, Ahmed Sharaa, to the city of Afrin, General Abdi described the visit as an "important initiative" aimed at encouraging the safe return of the indigenous population and promoting dialogue between the concerned parties. Abdi added that he invites Sharaa to visit the cities of northeastern Syria to enhance communication between all Syrians.
Commitment to Syria's unity and justice
Abdi explained that there are points of agreement with Damascus on some files, but there are other issues still under discussion. However, he stressed the commitment of the Syrian Democratic Forces to Syria's unity on the basis of justice and equality among all Syrians, far from any discrimination or quotas.
On cooperation in the security file and combating terrorism
Commenting on the negotiations on some pending issues, such as the removal of non-Syrian fighters from the ranks of the SDF and handing over the security file to the Syrian government, General Abdi said that his forces are open to cooperation in this field, stressing that protecting the region and combating terrorism is a national responsibility that requires high coordination between all parties to ensure the security and stability of Syria.
Abdi pointed out that the SDF is working to organize another visit to Damascus to discuss a clear plan of action to implement what is reached in the upcoming meetings, stressing that the national solution that all Syrians agree on is the main goal.
Turkish political circles are cautiously awaiting an expected call from the leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), Abdullah Ocalan, in mid-February, calling on his party to lay down its arms. This move comes after intense political movements that included meetings between the Peoples’ Democracy and Equality Party (DEM) deputies and Ocalan in his prison on Imrali Island, in addition to increasing statements by Turkish officials calling for a peaceful solution with the party.
The Turkish newspaper Hurriyet revealed that the leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party, Abdullah Ocalan, who is imprisoned in Turkey, intends to announce the dissolution of the party and call on its militants to lay down their arms on February 15, coinciding with the 26th anniversary of his arrest. The party supports the "Syrian Democratic Forces" in Syria, and has military arms that it supports within the component whose fate has become complicated if Ocalan's call is implemented.
The fall of the Assad regime was a severe blow to the SDF, which found itself in a confrontation with the Military Operations Administration, which refuses to allow any separatist project to remain within Syrian territory. Its operations were to liberate the rest of the Syrian territories from the control of the SDF, and it was able to expel it from the areas of al-Shahba, Manbij, the city of Deir ez-Zor and its countryside, amidst the continuation of battles with the components of the Syrian National Army in Manbij and areas in eastern Syria.’
- S.N.N.
February 18, 2025
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
Another article with essentially the same content: https://english.enabbaladi.net/archives ... rian-army/
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
I've recently been seeing stories about Turkey sending warplanes into Syria, stories about the transitional government fighting rebelling Assad loyalists, and stories about people coming into the streets to support suppression of the loyalists – see the video at https://www.facebook.com/donktt/videos/1024652536254891. Bill Weinberg puts these and other recent developments together in the article at
https://countervortex.org/blog/external ... ai6YwNo7jA.
https://countervortex.org/blog/external ... ai6YwNo7jA.
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
Bad! Reports from Syria are saying the transitional government forces killed 150 Alawite civilians in yesterday's fighting. A Syrian on Facebook is saying those who did it should be brought to justice, just like the murdering Assad loyalist are, and he's getting a lot of support for his stand. There are also pictures of large numbers of civilians linking arms to defend an Alawite place.
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
I don't know, but Robin Yassin-Kassab, Qunfuz, SNHR and other usually trustworthy sources have been saying the massacre of Alawite civilians was done by government forces. Now, however, I get the following:
Elements of the remnants of the deposed regime wore the uniform of the General Security and carried out liquidation operations and field executions of every person from the Alawite sect who refused to fight with them. They filmed the executions and attributed them to the General Security Service to attract public opinion and mislead the truth. They hyped them up in the media and accused the Syrian state of carrying out field executions.
https://t.me/Jarablous_Jarablous
Elements of the remnants of the deposed regime wore the uniform of the General Security and carried out liquidation operations and field executions of every person from the Alawite sect who refused to fight with them. They filmed the executions and attributed them to the General Security Service to attract public opinion and mislead the truth. They hyped them up in the media and accused the Syrian state of carrying out field executions.
https://t.me/Jarablous_Jarablous
Re: What next after the people's victory over the Assad dictatorship?
1) In recent times there have been several assassinations of several leading figures of the overthrown Assad regime who the new government has let off the hook. The following article deals with how the government is defending letting them walk free:
‘Civil Peace’ conference angers Syrians, who accuse it of acquitting killers and normalizing relations with symbols of oppression.
A press conference held by the Civil Peace Committee at the Ministry of Information building in Damascus, moderated by committee member Hassan Soufan, has sparked widespread anger and rejection among Syrians, particularly among revolutionaries and the families of the former regime’s victims. The conference included statements that were seen as explicitly justifying war criminals and promoting normalization with figures from the former regime under the banner of "civil peace" and "stopping bloodshed."
Public discontent erupted following Soufan's statements during the conference, in which he defended the policy of releasing a number of former regime officers, most notably Fadi Saqr, and not holding them accountable under the law and in public courts, or punishing their bloody record. Soufan went so far as to consider these individuals partners in victory, arguing that some of them had contributed to "spare Syrian blood" and cooperated with the military operations command during the "liberation" battles. He called on those who criticize these figures to provide "reliable evidence" of their involvement in the crimes.
At the beginning of his speech, Soufan stated that the officers released recently had returned voluntarily from the Iraqi border and the Sukhna area, benefiting from a legal "trust" status. He added that they were not detained as criminals or prisoners of war, but rather were subjected to investigations that did not prove their guilt for any war crimes or serious human rights violations.
Soufan argued that the continued detention of these officers, despite the "lack of evidence," constitutes a violation of the principles of justice and national interest. However, activists' responses debunked this argument, with visual documentation and evidence confirming the involvement of several of those released, most notably Fadi Saqr, in murders and blatant violations against civilians.
Soufan stated that the inclusion of controversial figures in the reconciliation process stems from an attempt to address the country's structural crises. He argued that Saqr had been granted security clearance after authorities assessed the overall situation, as a means of preventing bloodshed in flashpoint areas and to reassure the population in societal incubators, in his words.
In a controversial position, Soufan stated that transitional justice does not mean prosecuting everyone who served in the former regime's institutions, but rather restricting prosecution to those proven to be involved in serious crimes and violations. He emphasized that the logic of "revenge and retaliation" undermines the chances of justice and may contribute to major criminals escaping accountability. He called for the development of an integrated judicial system that achieves justice, free from emotionalism.
In contrast, many journalists, intellectuals, and activists expressed their rejection of the conference's content. Journalist Ibrahim Al-Khatib stated, "Neither the state nor anyone else has the right to waive the private rights of victims." He emphasized that the state is not authorized to forgive the victims for their blood and honor. Rather, its mission is to preserve rights, not to equate the executioner with the victim.
Journalist Qahtan Mustafa described the conference as a "one-sided show that disrespects the role of journalism," emphasizing that journalists are not called upon to applaud, but rather to shame, scrutinize, and hold accountable. He said the conference appeared more like a videotaped government statement than a genuine dialogue, asserting that "the media is not a silent backdrop in a premeditated scenario, but rather an authority with genuine oversight."
Meanwhile, activists warned of an imminent popular uprising as a result of what they considered a disregard for the feelings of the families of martyrs and missing persons, and the state's repeated release of criminals from the former regime without accountability or trial.
For his part, researcher Abdul Rahman Al-Hajj pointed out that the absence of a clear law to deal with war criminals opens the door to three dangerous outcomes: first, individual revenge and a loss of trust in the state; second, the erosion of the revolution's legitimacy; and third, the failure to consolidate the rule of law. He emphasized that transitional justice is not limited to "civil peace," but rather is a pillar of political stability and the consolidation of just governance.
Al-Hajj explained that forgiveness is a private right not possessed by the state, while public rights are exercised in accordance with the law, calling for a strict separation between the two concepts. In the same vein, journalist Muhammad Nour Farhoud considered Fadi Saqr's public "polishing" of his image a blatant provocation of Syrians, noting that his appearance alongside the governor of Damascus "disturbs civil peace, rather than strengthening it."
Journalist Omar Haj Ahmed emphasized that the revolution's victory was achieved through the sacrifices of the revolutionaries, not through the return of figures from the former regime. He pointed out that what happened on December 8 was "a victory outside the structure of the regime, not an internal coup or compromise."
Researcher Wael Al-Sheikh Amin added that while the state is currently adopting what he called "rational solutions" to overcome this phase, these solutions will not achieve justice unless they satisfy both the revolutionaries and the victims. He noted that popular perception is more important than legal facts, emphasizing the need to launch a public relations campaign that will reassure the oppressed and make them feel that justice has been achieved.
Lawyer Ammar Mohammed Ezz El-Din emphasized that "forgiving criminals is a partnership in crime," citing Article 49 of the Constitutional Declaration, which stipulates the establishment of a transitional justice body based on victims to determine accountability mechanisms, provide redress for survivors, and honor martyrs.
For his part, journalist Hassan Al-Asmar said that the presence of figures like Fadi Saqr in ‘civil peace’ initiatives does not represent genuine reconciliation, but rather "political sedation." He added that those promoting these initiatives are planting time bombs in the name of dialogue, rather than prosecuting the individuals involved under a clear and swift criminalization law.
The new Syrian government in Damascus is facing widespread popular discontent and resentment over this issue from the "sons of the revolution" and the families of victims and missing persons. This comes amid widespread condemnation that portends an imminent explosion, coupled with a continued identification with the henchmen of the former regime and war criminals who are being released from prison without being subjected to any trial or accountability.
Over the past few months, in the context of the reconciliation policy pursued by the new Syrian government among all components of the Syrian people, the phenomenon of ‘civil peace’ has emerged, particularly after the bloody events on the coast in March, which followed attacks by Assad's forces. However, this ‘civil peace’ has begun to take on more of a ‘civil provocation’ character, with figures implicated in the bloodshed of Syrians being brought to the forefront, and with the repeated release of officers and members of the former regime implicated in bloodshed.
At a time when only a few hundred missing detainees have survived Assad's prisons, senior officers and criminals have fled, and hundreds of thousands of families are in a state of shock, still unaware of the fate of their loved ones, demands have escalated for ‘transitional justice’ to bring justice to these victims, and for justice to take its course, as in every country emerging from the throes of war, seeking to mend and heal wounds and provide comfort to the families of the victims.
However, what is currently happening—according to the vast majority of the revolutionaries, who have paid with blood and sacrifices and lost so much, thousands of whom are still in camps—has become provocative and is going off the rails. This follows the release of hundreds of regime officers and personnel, as well as the continued pursuit of shabiha, who have returned to their areas and begun to provoke residents.
The emergence of Fadi Saqr and many other leading figures from the former regime as advocates of civil peace, and the provision of security protection for them, as well as the well-known merchants and major war criminals from the Assad era who recently returned to Damascus, and the loyalists among the shabiha, actors, artists, and figures who supported Assad for many years and promoted and called for killing and destruction, remain safe and without accountability in the name of ‘civil peace.’
All these steps are driving a growing state of resentment and popular rejection of this excessively conciliatory policy toward war criminals and those implicated in bloodshed, and the failure to hold them accountable and prosecute them according to legal procedures. This has begun to push toward individual revenge through unknown cells that are now carrying out daily acts of murder and revenge in Aleppo, Homs, the coast, and Hama, further fueling the spread of crime, the absence of state authority, and the spread of widespread chaos.
Human Rights Watch warned that the limited powers granted to the National Commission for Transitional Justice in Syria threaten to undermine its credibility and exclude many victims. It called on the Syrian government to ensure the meaningful and broad participation of survivors and affected communities in the transitional justice process.
In a statement issued by the organization commenting on the presidential decree establishing both the National Commission for Transitional Justice and the National Commission for Missing Persons, it stated that "these two bodies could represent an important turning point in uncovering the truth about the atrocities committed in Syria and achieving accountability, but their success will depend on transparency, openness, and victim participation."
The human rights organization expressed concern that the decree establishing the Transitional Justice Commission had "alarmingly limited" powers, limiting it to violations committed by the ousted regime led by Bashar al-Assad and not addressing crimes committed by non-state actors. It also fails to clarify mechanisms for involving victims in the design and implementation of the commission's mandate, which, according to the organization, constitutes a "fundamental weakness."
The organization emphasized that continued exclusion will deepen societal divisions, noting that Syria today stands at a crossroads: it can choose either to pursue a genuine path of justice that redresses the victims, or to perpetuate past practices that have led to destruction and division.
For its part, the Syrian Network for Human Rights issued a new report outlining the legal frameworks and basic principles upon which the process of forming a transitional justice body should be based, entitled: "The Syrian Network for Human Rights Recommends the Establishment of a Transitional Justice Body in Syria Through a Law Issued by the Legislative Council."
The report emphasized the necessity of establishing a transitional justice commission in Syria pursuant to a law issued by the legislative authority, warning of the risks that might result from resorting to an executive decree as an alternative to the legislative process.
SNHR’s report further explained that adopting this approach would threaten the Commission's independence and undermine its effectiveness, citing international experiences in countries such as Uganda, Peru, and Morocco. These experiences have shown that commissions established by executive decree often lack effective authority and societal legitimacy, suffer from weak investigative capabilities, limited victim engagement, and are subject to political interference that weakens their performance and impacts their independence.
On May 17, 2025, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa issued two presidential decrees establishing the National Commission for Transitional Justice and the National Commission for Missing Persons. These decrees aim to address the legacy of grave violations committed under the former regime and uncover the fate of more than 100,000 missing persons.
This step was widely praised by international parties and human rights organizations, and the United Nations and the European Union considered it a clear indication of the new Syrian government's commitment to the human rights track, achieving justice and national reconciliation, within a broader framework for building a stable and secure environment that paves the way for rebuilding the state on the foundations of law and rights.
According to civil and popular activists, we stand today at a dangerous crossroads, as popular discontent in Syria has reached a level that threatens a social explosion if it is not quickly addressed. The state of anger sweeping the Syrian street today stems not only from living or security conditions, but from a deep sense of injustice... and the continued neglect of the most crucial issues:
They emphasized that the absence of justice during the transitional period, and the failure to hold accountable those responsible for the crimes and violations committed against the people of this country, constitutes a blatant violation of all promises of reform and change. It is impossible to talk about a future without genuine reconciliation, and reconciliation cannot be based on turning the page before reading it and holding accountable those who tainted it with blood and corruption.
- SNN
June 10, 2025
[SNN stands for Shaam News Network. It was founded by Syrian-American activists at the beginning of the 2011 uprising, and I regularly look at it on Facebook.]
2) The new government has also just decreed that women should wear burkinis or other swimwear that covers the body at public beaches and swimming pools, while permitting Western-style beachwear at private clubs and luxury hotels. Also, men are not supposed to go bare-chested except when swimming.
‘Civil Peace’ conference angers Syrians, who accuse it of acquitting killers and normalizing relations with symbols of oppression.
A press conference held by the Civil Peace Committee at the Ministry of Information building in Damascus, moderated by committee member Hassan Soufan, has sparked widespread anger and rejection among Syrians, particularly among revolutionaries and the families of the former regime’s victims. The conference included statements that were seen as explicitly justifying war criminals and promoting normalization with figures from the former regime under the banner of "civil peace" and "stopping bloodshed."
Public discontent erupted following Soufan's statements during the conference, in which he defended the policy of releasing a number of former regime officers, most notably Fadi Saqr, and not holding them accountable under the law and in public courts, or punishing their bloody record. Soufan went so far as to consider these individuals partners in victory, arguing that some of them had contributed to "spare Syrian blood" and cooperated with the military operations command during the "liberation" battles. He called on those who criticize these figures to provide "reliable evidence" of their involvement in the crimes.
At the beginning of his speech, Soufan stated that the officers released recently had returned voluntarily from the Iraqi border and the Sukhna area, benefiting from a legal "trust" status. He added that they were not detained as criminals or prisoners of war, but rather were subjected to investigations that did not prove their guilt for any war crimes or serious human rights violations.
Soufan argued that the continued detention of these officers, despite the "lack of evidence," constitutes a violation of the principles of justice and national interest. However, activists' responses debunked this argument, with visual documentation and evidence confirming the involvement of several of those released, most notably Fadi Saqr, in murders and blatant violations against civilians.
Soufan stated that the inclusion of controversial figures in the reconciliation process stems from an attempt to address the country's structural crises. He argued that Saqr had been granted security clearance after authorities assessed the overall situation, as a means of preventing bloodshed in flashpoint areas and to reassure the population in societal incubators, in his words.
In a controversial position, Soufan stated that transitional justice does not mean prosecuting everyone who served in the former regime's institutions, but rather restricting prosecution to those proven to be involved in serious crimes and violations. He emphasized that the logic of "revenge and retaliation" undermines the chances of justice and may contribute to major criminals escaping accountability. He called for the development of an integrated judicial system that achieves justice, free from emotionalism.
In contrast, many journalists, intellectuals, and activists expressed their rejection of the conference's content. Journalist Ibrahim Al-Khatib stated, "Neither the state nor anyone else has the right to waive the private rights of victims." He emphasized that the state is not authorized to forgive the victims for their blood and honor. Rather, its mission is to preserve rights, not to equate the executioner with the victim.
Journalist Qahtan Mustafa described the conference as a "one-sided show that disrespects the role of journalism," emphasizing that journalists are not called upon to applaud, but rather to shame, scrutinize, and hold accountable. He said the conference appeared more like a videotaped government statement than a genuine dialogue, asserting that "the media is not a silent backdrop in a premeditated scenario, but rather an authority with genuine oversight."
Meanwhile, activists warned of an imminent popular uprising as a result of what they considered a disregard for the feelings of the families of martyrs and missing persons, and the state's repeated release of criminals from the former regime without accountability or trial.
For his part, researcher Abdul Rahman Al-Hajj pointed out that the absence of a clear law to deal with war criminals opens the door to three dangerous outcomes: first, individual revenge and a loss of trust in the state; second, the erosion of the revolution's legitimacy; and third, the failure to consolidate the rule of law. He emphasized that transitional justice is not limited to "civil peace," but rather is a pillar of political stability and the consolidation of just governance.
Al-Hajj explained that forgiveness is a private right not possessed by the state, while public rights are exercised in accordance with the law, calling for a strict separation between the two concepts. In the same vein, journalist Muhammad Nour Farhoud considered Fadi Saqr's public "polishing" of his image a blatant provocation of Syrians, noting that his appearance alongside the governor of Damascus "disturbs civil peace, rather than strengthening it."
Journalist Omar Haj Ahmed emphasized that the revolution's victory was achieved through the sacrifices of the revolutionaries, not through the return of figures from the former regime. He pointed out that what happened on December 8 was "a victory outside the structure of the regime, not an internal coup or compromise."
Researcher Wael Al-Sheikh Amin added that while the state is currently adopting what he called "rational solutions" to overcome this phase, these solutions will not achieve justice unless they satisfy both the revolutionaries and the victims. He noted that popular perception is more important than legal facts, emphasizing the need to launch a public relations campaign that will reassure the oppressed and make them feel that justice has been achieved.
Lawyer Ammar Mohammed Ezz El-Din emphasized that "forgiving criminals is a partnership in crime," citing Article 49 of the Constitutional Declaration, which stipulates the establishment of a transitional justice body based on victims to determine accountability mechanisms, provide redress for survivors, and honor martyrs.
For his part, journalist Hassan Al-Asmar said that the presence of figures like Fadi Saqr in ‘civil peace’ initiatives does not represent genuine reconciliation, but rather "political sedation." He added that those promoting these initiatives are planting time bombs in the name of dialogue, rather than prosecuting the individuals involved under a clear and swift criminalization law.
The new Syrian government in Damascus is facing widespread popular discontent and resentment over this issue from the "sons of the revolution" and the families of victims and missing persons. This comes amid widespread condemnation that portends an imminent explosion, coupled with a continued identification with the henchmen of the former regime and war criminals who are being released from prison without being subjected to any trial or accountability.
Over the past few months, in the context of the reconciliation policy pursued by the new Syrian government among all components of the Syrian people, the phenomenon of ‘civil peace’ has emerged, particularly after the bloody events on the coast in March, which followed attacks by Assad's forces. However, this ‘civil peace’ has begun to take on more of a ‘civil provocation’ character, with figures implicated in the bloodshed of Syrians being brought to the forefront, and with the repeated release of officers and members of the former regime implicated in bloodshed.
At a time when only a few hundred missing detainees have survived Assad's prisons, senior officers and criminals have fled, and hundreds of thousands of families are in a state of shock, still unaware of the fate of their loved ones, demands have escalated for ‘transitional justice’ to bring justice to these victims, and for justice to take its course, as in every country emerging from the throes of war, seeking to mend and heal wounds and provide comfort to the families of the victims.
However, what is currently happening—according to the vast majority of the revolutionaries, who have paid with blood and sacrifices and lost so much, thousands of whom are still in camps—has become provocative and is going off the rails. This follows the release of hundreds of regime officers and personnel, as well as the continued pursuit of shabiha, who have returned to their areas and begun to provoke residents.
The emergence of Fadi Saqr and many other leading figures from the former regime as advocates of civil peace, and the provision of security protection for them, as well as the well-known merchants and major war criminals from the Assad era who recently returned to Damascus, and the loyalists among the shabiha, actors, artists, and figures who supported Assad for many years and promoted and called for killing and destruction, remain safe and without accountability in the name of ‘civil peace.’
All these steps are driving a growing state of resentment and popular rejection of this excessively conciliatory policy toward war criminals and those implicated in bloodshed, and the failure to hold them accountable and prosecute them according to legal procedures. This has begun to push toward individual revenge through unknown cells that are now carrying out daily acts of murder and revenge in Aleppo, Homs, the coast, and Hama, further fueling the spread of crime, the absence of state authority, and the spread of widespread chaos.
Human Rights Watch warned that the limited powers granted to the National Commission for Transitional Justice in Syria threaten to undermine its credibility and exclude many victims. It called on the Syrian government to ensure the meaningful and broad participation of survivors and affected communities in the transitional justice process.
In a statement issued by the organization commenting on the presidential decree establishing both the National Commission for Transitional Justice and the National Commission for Missing Persons, it stated that "these two bodies could represent an important turning point in uncovering the truth about the atrocities committed in Syria and achieving accountability, but their success will depend on transparency, openness, and victim participation."
The human rights organization expressed concern that the decree establishing the Transitional Justice Commission had "alarmingly limited" powers, limiting it to violations committed by the ousted regime led by Bashar al-Assad and not addressing crimes committed by non-state actors. It also fails to clarify mechanisms for involving victims in the design and implementation of the commission's mandate, which, according to the organization, constitutes a "fundamental weakness."
The organization emphasized that continued exclusion will deepen societal divisions, noting that Syria today stands at a crossroads: it can choose either to pursue a genuine path of justice that redresses the victims, or to perpetuate past practices that have led to destruction and division.
For its part, the Syrian Network for Human Rights issued a new report outlining the legal frameworks and basic principles upon which the process of forming a transitional justice body should be based, entitled: "The Syrian Network for Human Rights Recommends the Establishment of a Transitional Justice Body in Syria Through a Law Issued by the Legislative Council."
The report emphasized the necessity of establishing a transitional justice commission in Syria pursuant to a law issued by the legislative authority, warning of the risks that might result from resorting to an executive decree as an alternative to the legislative process.
SNHR’s report further explained that adopting this approach would threaten the Commission's independence and undermine its effectiveness, citing international experiences in countries such as Uganda, Peru, and Morocco. These experiences have shown that commissions established by executive decree often lack effective authority and societal legitimacy, suffer from weak investigative capabilities, limited victim engagement, and are subject to political interference that weakens their performance and impacts their independence.
On May 17, 2025, Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa issued two presidential decrees establishing the National Commission for Transitional Justice and the National Commission for Missing Persons. These decrees aim to address the legacy of grave violations committed under the former regime and uncover the fate of more than 100,000 missing persons.
This step was widely praised by international parties and human rights organizations, and the United Nations and the European Union considered it a clear indication of the new Syrian government's commitment to the human rights track, achieving justice and national reconciliation, within a broader framework for building a stable and secure environment that paves the way for rebuilding the state on the foundations of law and rights.
According to civil and popular activists, we stand today at a dangerous crossroads, as popular discontent in Syria has reached a level that threatens a social explosion if it is not quickly addressed. The state of anger sweeping the Syrian street today stems not only from living or security conditions, but from a deep sense of injustice... and the continued neglect of the most crucial issues:
They emphasized that the absence of justice during the transitional period, and the failure to hold accountable those responsible for the crimes and violations committed against the people of this country, constitutes a blatant violation of all promises of reform and change. It is impossible to talk about a future without genuine reconciliation, and reconciliation cannot be based on turning the page before reading it and holding accountable those who tainted it with blood and corruption.
- SNN
June 10, 2025
[SNN stands for Shaam News Network. It was founded by Syrian-American activists at the beginning of the 2011 uprising, and I regularly look at it on Facebook.]
2) The new government has also just decreed that women should wear burkinis or other swimwear that covers the body at public beaches and swimming pools, while permitting Western-style beachwear at private clubs and luxury hotels. Also, men are not supposed to go bare-chested except when swimming.