See "Update from Iran" at https://oaklandsocialist.com/2026/01/23 ... from-iran/.Iranian refugee Siyaves Azeri gives the following report. It is important not only because it gives an update, but also because it gives a glimpse of what the monarchist supporters of Pahlevi are doing there:
I have just received a call from Iran through Telegram. We managed to speak some 20 minutes. I was truly excited. Here is what my friend Sepehr told me (schematically and to the extent I recall):
1. Here it is like a war zone
2. It is very difficult; I am fine as much as the country is fine
3. Almost everybody I know is fine, but almost (we didn’t speak in more details not to put him in risk)
4. We have received some food ration coupons as everything has become super expensive, even eggs and cooking oil
5. On the first day of the crackdown things were “softer” but by the second day they (the security forces, the Basij, Revolutionary Guards, soldiers) came to the street to kill and smash
6. In the places I were participating in the demonstrations monarchists were a minority but they would attack any other demonstrators that would not chant their slogans
7. Some monarchists were armed with knifes and even guns but they never set any systematic attacks on police precincts; they were setting buses and similar stuff on fire aimlessly
8. Their (monarchists’) presence amounted in less participation in the protests as people used to attend even with their children during the initial days; so they disdained from attending
9. I am not sure how stable the Internet will be; the regime says it depends on the security level; they openly state that if the protests begin they will shut it down again
10. The regime threatens that sending videos to opposition TVs is considered a terrorist act and terrorists will be punished severely
We then shortly talked about Marx’s Capital and Hessen’s work on Newton’s Principia (we needed to distract our attention to something that would point to life and hope)
Solidarity with the Iranian protesters!
Re: Solidarity with the Iranian protesters!
The reactionary Iranian government has been cutting communication to the outside world so that it can carry out blood repression. But some individual reports from people in Iran have gotten through. The following account appeared on Oakland Socialist yesterday (Jan. 23, 2026 ):
Re: Solidarity with the Iranian protesters!
From the Institute for the Study of War:
Some Iranian officials have continued to leak damning information about the regime’s brutal crackdown to Western media, which indicates that some regime personnel may oppose the regime’s crackdown. The New York Times reported on January 25 that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ordered the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) on January 9 to crush the protests “by any means necessary,” citing two Iranian officials briefed on Khamenei’s directive.[1] The officials stated that security forces were ordered to shoot to kill and “show no mercy.” Anti-regime media similarly reported on January 13 that Khamenei had issued a direct order to kill protesters and that the SNSC had issued an order for security forces to use live fire against protesters.[2] Khamenei’s directive to the SNSC and the SNSC’s order to security forces to use live fire are consistent with reports that SNSC Secretary Ali Larijani played a leading role in the regime’s crackdown.[3] The United States Treasury Department sanctioned Larijani on January 15 and reported that he was “responsible for coordinating the response to the protests on behalf of the Supreme Leader of Iran.”[4] Two senior Iranian officials separately told TIME on January 25 that 30,000 people may have been killed on January 8 and 9.[5] Other Iranian sources, including sources from the SNSC and Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), have previously reported high protest death counts to Western media.[6] Leaks of high protester death counts by regime officials suggest that some members of the regime may oppose the regime’s brutal crackdown on the protests. The leaks also undermine the regime’s ongoing information operation that seeks to portray itself and Iranian security forces as victims of “terrorism” and conceal its use of lethal force.[7]
The Iranian regime has not restored international internet access, and there continues to be an internal debate within the regime about restoring it. The debate primarily seems to be between regime factions that assess that restoring the internet could cause a resumption of protests and factions that assess that the economic toll of the internet shutdown could cause internal unrest. The regime shut down the internet on January 8 to prevent Iranians from being able to organize protests and to conceal the regime’s brutal crackdown on the protests.[8] Internet monitor Netblocks reported on January 25 that the internet shutdown in Iran has continued despite “brief connectivity spikes.”[9] Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC)-affiliated media reported on January 23 that international internet access would be restored across all provinces by January 24.[10] The Iranian Information and Communications Technology Ministry denied this report on January 25 and stated that the ministry “is diligently pursuing improvements in the accessibility situation.”[11] Conflicting messaging from IRGC-affiliated outlets suggests that there are divisions within the IRGC over whether to restore internet access. IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News Agency criticized on January 25 individuals who support restoring internet access for economic reasons and argued that a safe security environment is necessary for economic activity.[12] An IRGC-affiliated Telegram channel conversely said on January 21 that the Iranian regime’s decision to maintain the internet shutdown undermines Iran’s “national security interest” because the economic consequences of the shutdown risk fueling public resentment.[13]
A political analyst close to the Iranian regime stated on January 24 that the recent protests were “one of the most alarming incidents of the past century” and represented a crisis that is “slowly deepening.””[14] These statements are consistent with CTP-ISW’s assessment that protests could resume because the regime has neither addressed nor indicated a willingness to address its population’s grievances.[15] The analyst, Mostafa Najafi, assessed that the recent protests represented an “escalating trend” and described large scale protests in 2017, 2019, 2022, and 2025 as “successive eruptions of an unresolved structural dissatisfaction.”[16] Najafi stated that the periods between each of these protest waves were periods of “condensed anger and expectation.” He stated that each protest wave in Iran “accumulates the unanswered demands” of previous waves, which reflects Najafi’s awareness that the regime’s failure to address its population’s grievances or provide concessions after protests only further deepens the population’s dissatisfaction with the regime. Najafi also assessed that the size and intensity of the recent protests compared to past waves reflect the Iranian population’s “eroding trust” in the regime.[17] CTP-ISW previously assessed that the recent protests were the most serious domestic unrest the regime has faced, and that the regime responded to this unrest with an unprecedented level of brutality.[18] Najafi’s statements are consistent with CTP-ISW’s assessment that the regime’s refusal to address the underlying grievances that triggered the recent and previous protest movements could cause protests to reemerge in the future.[19]
Some Iranian officials have continued to leak damning information about the regime’s brutal crackdown to Western media, which indicates that some regime personnel may oppose the regime’s crackdown. The New York Times reported on January 25 that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ordered the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) on January 9 to crush the protests “by any means necessary,” citing two Iranian officials briefed on Khamenei’s directive.[1] The officials stated that security forces were ordered to shoot to kill and “show no mercy.” Anti-regime media similarly reported on January 13 that Khamenei had issued a direct order to kill protesters and that the SNSC had issued an order for security forces to use live fire against protesters.[2] Khamenei’s directive to the SNSC and the SNSC’s order to security forces to use live fire are consistent with reports that SNSC Secretary Ali Larijani played a leading role in the regime’s crackdown.[3] The United States Treasury Department sanctioned Larijani on January 15 and reported that he was “responsible for coordinating the response to the protests on behalf of the Supreme Leader of Iran.”[4] Two senior Iranian officials separately told TIME on January 25 that 30,000 people may have been killed on January 8 and 9.[5] Other Iranian sources, including sources from the SNSC and Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), have previously reported high protest death counts to Western media.[6] Leaks of high protester death counts by regime officials suggest that some members of the regime may oppose the regime’s brutal crackdown on the protests. The leaks also undermine the regime’s ongoing information operation that seeks to portray itself and Iranian security forces as victims of “terrorism” and conceal its use of lethal force.[7]
The Iranian regime has not restored international internet access, and there continues to be an internal debate within the regime about restoring it. The debate primarily seems to be between regime factions that assess that restoring the internet could cause a resumption of protests and factions that assess that the economic toll of the internet shutdown could cause internal unrest. The regime shut down the internet on January 8 to prevent Iranians from being able to organize protests and to conceal the regime’s brutal crackdown on the protests.[8] Internet monitor Netblocks reported on January 25 that the internet shutdown in Iran has continued despite “brief connectivity spikes.”[9] Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC)-affiliated media reported on January 23 that international internet access would be restored across all provinces by January 24.[10] The Iranian Information and Communications Technology Ministry denied this report on January 25 and stated that the ministry “is diligently pursuing improvements in the accessibility situation.”[11] Conflicting messaging from IRGC-affiliated outlets suggests that there are divisions within the IRGC over whether to restore internet access. IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News Agency criticized on January 25 individuals who support restoring internet access for economic reasons and argued that a safe security environment is necessary for economic activity.[12] An IRGC-affiliated Telegram channel conversely said on January 21 that the Iranian regime’s decision to maintain the internet shutdown undermines Iran’s “national security interest” because the economic consequences of the shutdown risk fueling public resentment.[13]
A political analyst close to the Iranian regime stated on January 24 that the recent protests were “one of the most alarming incidents of the past century” and represented a crisis that is “slowly deepening.””[14] These statements are consistent with CTP-ISW’s assessment that protests could resume because the regime has neither addressed nor indicated a willingness to address its population’s grievances.[15] The analyst, Mostafa Najafi, assessed that the recent protests represented an “escalating trend” and described large scale protests in 2017, 2019, 2022, and 2025 as “successive eruptions of an unresolved structural dissatisfaction.”[16] Najafi stated that the periods between each of these protest waves were periods of “condensed anger and expectation.” He stated that each protest wave in Iran “accumulates the unanswered demands” of previous waves, which reflects Najafi’s awareness that the regime’s failure to address its population’s grievances or provide concessions after protests only further deepens the population’s dissatisfaction with the regime. Najafi also assessed that the size and intensity of the recent protests compared to past waves reflect the Iranian population’s “eroding trust” in the regime.[17] CTP-ISW previously assessed that the recent protests were the most serious domestic unrest the regime has faced, and that the regime responded to this unrest with an unprecedented level of brutality.[18] Najafi’s statements are consistent with CTP-ISW’s assessment that the regime’s refusal to address the underlying grievances that triggered the recent and previous protest movements could cause protests to reemerge in the future.[19]
Re: Solidarity with the Iranian protesters!
Two new statements from Iran: https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=15 ... 7096317377 and https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=20 ... 6860096765 .
Re: Iran Uprising
Following is a Facebook post by Siyavash Shahabi giving excerpts from a statement from some Iranian workers. Shahabi says he will soon publish a translation of the entire statement. The statement describes the dire economic conditions facing workers in Iran and explains this as underlying the protest actions that recently roiled Iran. It thus explains the class basis of the recent protests, as opposed to the non-class anti-imperialists who support the Iranian regime simply because it has some contradictions with U.S. imperialism. In their struggle for a better life, Iranian workers deserve our support, not condemnation.
Siyâvash Shahabi
January 31 at 6:12 AM
·
After limited internet access was restored, on January 28, the Assembly of Isfahan Steelworkers published two important texts: a message of solidarity with those killed in December 2025, and a protest statement addressing workers’ living conditions and the violation of labor rights. Together, these texts clearly show the link between collective mourning and the ongoing struggle of the working class.
In its message of solidarity, the assembly writes:
“December 2025 will remain in the memory of this land as a season of grief and shock; a month when the streets echoed with cries rising from empty tables, exhausted hearts, and lives bent under the weight of inflation and injustice.”
It continues:
“They were not just ‘news.’ They were fathers, mothers, young people, hope itself… Behind every name, there was a whole world.”
This text remembers those killed in the protests not as numbers or statistics, but as human beings with real lives and unfinished dreams, and it makes clear that:
“No demand, no civil protest, no cry for a better life should ever cost people their lives.”
In its official protest statement, the Assembly of Isfahan Steelworkers directly addresses the workers’ livelihood crisis and the dire conditions at their workplace, stating:
“People who came into the streets under the crushing pressure of runaway inflation, unprecedented currency devaluation, and deep livelihood crises were only asking to be heard. Instead, many were injured or lost their lives on those very streets.”
The statement goes on to say:
“For months, wages have been paid with repeated delays, without the slightest transparency or a clear plan. Workers’ legal arrears remain unresolved, and the lives of thousands of working-class families are becoming more fragile and unstable by the day in this economic crisis.”
The workers’ demands are stated clearly:
“Management must immediately pay all outstanding wages, without any further delay,” and they also call for “a transparent, written, and accountable plan to end the monthly wage delays.”
In the final section, the statement stresses: “We emphasize that a worker’s right is the right to life, and no management has the authority to ignore this right.”
It warns that continuing the current situation “will only deepen dissatisfaction, mistrust, and the growing gap between management and the workforce.”
Taken together, these two texts offer a clear picture of the position of the working class in Iran today: a class under severe economic pressure, standing on the front lines of social protest, and among the main victims of state repression — yet still speaking with an aware, human, and organized voice, mourning its dead while continuing to press its demands.
The recent protests are rooted in a deep economic crisis and the collapse of everyday livelihoods. But because there is a complete dead end when it comes to real improvement and no meaningful path for meeting people’s demands, they have naturally moved toward more fundamental political change and a break with the existing order. Today, society as a whole is effectively standing on the same line, clearly seeking a power shift.
#IranRevolution2026
#IranMassacre
#IranProtests
Siyâvash Shahabi
January 31 at 6:12 AM
·
After limited internet access was restored, on January 28, the Assembly of Isfahan Steelworkers published two important texts: a message of solidarity with those killed in December 2025, and a protest statement addressing workers’ living conditions and the violation of labor rights. Together, these texts clearly show the link between collective mourning and the ongoing struggle of the working class.
In its message of solidarity, the assembly writes:
“December 2025 will remain in the memory of this land as a season of grief and shock; a month when the streets echoed with cries rising from empty tables, exhausted hearts, and lives bent under the weight of inflation and injustice.”
It continues:
“They were not just ‘news.’ They were fathers, mothers, young people, hope itself… Behind every name, there was a whole world.”
This text remembers those killed in the protests not as numbers or statistics, but as human beings with real lives and unfinished dreams, and it makes clear that:
“No demand, no civil protest, no cry for a better life should ever cost people their lives.”
In its official protest statement, the Assembly of Isfahan Steelworkers directly addresses the workers’ livelihood crisis and the dire conditions at their workplace, stating:
“People who came into the streets under the crushing pressure of runaway inflation, unprecedented currency devaluation, and deep livelihood crises were only asking to be heard. Instead, many were injured or lost their lives on those very streets.”
The statement goes on to say:
“For months, wages have been paid with repeated delays, without the slightest transparency or a clear plan. Workers’ legal arrears remain unresolved, and the lives of thousands of working-class families are becoming more fragile and unstable by the day in this economic crisis.”
The workers’ demands are stated clearly:
“Management must immediately pay all outstanding wages, without any further delay,” and they also call for “a transparent, written, and accountable plan to end the monthly wage delays.”
In the final section, the statement stresses: “We emphasize that a worker’s right is the right to life, and no management has the authority to ignore this right.”
It warns that continuing the current situation “will only deepen dissatisfaction, mistrust, and the growing gap between management and the workforce.”
Taken together, these two texts offer a clear picture of the position of the working class in Iran today: a class under severe economic pressure, standing on the front lines of social protest, and among the main victims of state repression — yet still speaking with an aware, human, and organized voice, mourning its dead while continuing to press its demands.
The recent protests are rooted in a deep economic crisis and the collapse of everyday livelihoods. But because there is a complete dead end when it comes to real improvement and no meaningful path for meeting people’s demands, they have naturally moved toward more fundamental political change and a break with the existing order. Today, society as a whole is effectively standing on the same line, clearly seeking a power shift.
#IranRevolution2026
#IranMassacre
#IranProtests
Large Los Angeles rally in support of Iranian people's uprising
https://www.facebook.com/reel/1168989898397761
Large Los Angeles rally in support of Iranian people's uprising
Large Los Angeles rally in support of Iranian people's uprising
Re: Solidarity with the Iranian protesters!
These videos and commentary show that after last month's mass slaughter of Iranians by the Islamic regime the struggle is already reviving:
In the city of Abdanan, people had gathered for the fortieth-day memorial ceremony of Alireza Seyedi, the teenager killed during the January protests.
The first video shows that when the speaker talks about the order to shoot the final bullet at injured people, the crowd starts chanting. They shout slogans like “Death to Khamenei” and “Khomeini is a demon.” And after a while, security forces opened fire on them.
https://www.facebook.com/reel/2723351008064207
Iran: Videos shared from the city of Mashhad show that a group of shopkeepers has gone on strike and are chanting slogans in the streets. In the videos, people can be heard saying, “We swear by the blood of our friends, we will stand until the end.”
As the 40th day since the killings of January 8 and 9 approaches, a new wave of protest calls has spread across Iran. The Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations announced in a statement that Wednesday, February 18, will be a “day of strike and public mourning in schools.” Using the hashtag “Empty Desks,” they honored more than 230 children and teenagers who were killed.
Other videos from memorial ceremonies for the victims show people chanting mainly against the regime and especially against Ali Khamenei.
Reports today also show that the regime has once again cut internet access in some cities. Videos shared show the IRGC units are present in even larger numbers in the streets than before.
https://www.facebook.com/reel/939824635134466
This gathering marks the 40th day after the killing of one of the victims of the nationwide protests. It’s happening in the small village of Chenar Sheikh, in Hamadan province. A place you might barely find on a map, but today it has turned into part of a nation’s shared memory.
This isn’t a religious ceremony. More than anything, it’s a political moment. It’s mourning that comes from the people themselves, not from government pulpits. When a regime uses sacred language to justify repression and killing, it’s only natural that people push back against that language. As a result, even traditional rituals have slipped out of the state’s ideological control.
The song “Az Khoon-e Javanan-e Vatan Laleh Damideh” (“From the Blood of the Youth of the Homeland, Tulips Have Grown”) was also played during the ceremony. This is one of the most powerful mourning songs in modern Iranian history.
Written during the Constitutional Revolution in the early 20th century, it became a symbol of grief for young people killed in political struggle. The image of tulips growing from the blood of martyrs is deeply rooted in Iranian cultural memory, representing sacrifice and resistance. Whenever this song is sung, it connects present-day losses to more than a century of struggles for freedom and dignity.
Today, Khamenei suddenly referred to all those killed as “our own,” quietly dropping the regime’s earlier claims that they were rioters, terrorists, or misled, a clear sign that the official narrative about the protests and the dead has been widely rejected in society.
Chenar Sheikh is small. But what’s happening there is not small at all. It’s no longer just a village. It’s a piece of history in the making. https://www.facebook.com/reel/1233394604970521
In the city of Abdanan, people had gathered for the fortieth-day memorial ceremony of Alireza Seyedi, the teenager killed during the January protests.
The first video shows that when the speaker talks about the order to shoot the final bullet at injured people, the crowd starts chanting. They shout slogans like “Death to Khamenei” and “Khomeini is a demon.” And after a while, security forces opened fire on them.
https://www.facebook.com/reel/2723351008064207
Iran: Videos shared from the city of Mashhad show that a group of shopkeepers has gone on strike and are chanting slogans in the streets. In the videos, people can be heard saying, “We swear by the blood of our friends, we will stand until the end.”
As the 40th day since the killings of January 8 and 9 approaches, a new wave of protest calls has spread across Iran. The Coordinating Council of Iranian Teachers’ Trade Associations announced in a statement that Wednesday, February 18, will be a “day of strike and public mourning in schools.” Using the hashtag “Empty Desks,” they honored more than 230 children and teenagers who were killed.
Other videos from memorial ceremonies for the victims show people chanting mainly against the regime and especially against Ali Khamenei.
Reports today also show that the regime has once again cut internet access in some cities. Videos shared show the IRGC units are present in even larger numbers in the streets than before.
https://www.facebook.com/reel/939824635134466
This gathering marks the 40th day after the killing of one of the victims of the nationwide protests. It’s happening in the small village of Chenar Sheikh, in Hamadan province. A place you might barely find on a map, but today it has turned into part of a nation’s shared memory.
This isn’t a religious ceremony. More than anything, it’s a political moment. It’s mourning that comes from the people themselves, not from government pulpits. When a regime uses sacred language to justify repression and killing, it’s only natural that people push back against that language. As a result, even traditional rituals have slipped out of the state’s ideological control.
The song “Az Khoon-e Javanan-e Vatan Laleh Damideh” (“From the Blood of the Youth of the Homeland, Tulips Have Grown”) was also played during the ceremony. This is one of the most powerful mourning songs in modern Iranian history.
Written during the Constitutional Revolution in the early 20th century, it became a symbol of grief for young people killed in political struggle. The image of tulips growing from the blood of martyrs is deeply rooted in Iranian cultural memory, representing sacrifice and resistance. Whenever this song is sung, it connects present-day losses to more than a century of struggles for freedom and dignity.
Today, Khamenei suddenly referred to all those killed as “our own,” quietly dropping the regime’s earlier claims that they were rioters, terrorists, or misled, a clear sign that the official narrative about the protests and the dead has been widely rejected in society.
Chenar Sheikh is small. But what’s happening there is not small at all. It’s no longer just a village. It’s a piece of history in the making. https://www.facebook.com/reel/1233394604970521
Re: Solidarity with the Iranian protesters!
Iranian Universities Reignite Protests on First Day of Reopening
February 21, 2026
Siyavash Shahabi
February 21, 2026, saw Iranian universities once again turn into arenas of protest, chanting, and confrontation. The first day of in-person classes after weeks of closures and online instruction coincided with the fortieth day since those killed in the January protests. Rather than marking a return to “normal life,” it exposed, once again, the deep divide between students and the state.
The January 2026 protests, which began on January 8, became one of the largest waves of unrest in recent years. Initially triggered by economic grievances — including a sharp currency collapse and the U.S. dollar surpassing 150,000 tomans — they quickly evolved into explicit political demands targeting the structure of power.
Hundreds were killed during the crackdown, among them a significant number of university students. Thousands more were arrested, suspended, or faced disciplinary proceedings. Universities were temporarily shut down and classes moved online. Yet this week’s reopening demonstrated that closing campuses did not silence dissent.
Back to Campus, Back to the Streets
From the early hours of the morning, several major universities saw gatherings form on campus grounds. At Sharif University of Technology, students assembled in the central courtyard and chanted slogans against Iran’s Supreme Leader, against “religious rule,” and against what they called “dictatorship.” Videos circulating online captured chants such as “Death to the dictator,” “Shame on this rule after years of crime,” and “Death to Khamenei.” Alongside these slogans, other groups voiced different — and at times conflicting — chants, reflecting the diversity of political tendencies among the protesters.
The gathering at Sharif quickly became tense with the arrival of Basij-affiliated student groups and campus security forces. According to footage shared online, verbal confrontations broke out between students and pro-regime groups, and the atmosphere grew heated for several minutes. Some students directly addressed Basij members, chanting, “We are the owners of this country.” The university president reportedly appeared at the scene in an attempt to calm the situation, but the protest continued for hours.
Video shows a pro-regime crowd on one side and students on the other at Sharif University in Tehran, while pro-regime supporters holding flags and chant “Heydar, Heydar,” which refers to a religious Shia element of Imam Ali and Ali Khamanie. Later, they attacked the students.
At Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran, the gathering took a different tone but remained deeply political. Students from various faculties staged a sit-in and lit candles in memory of those killed in January. They collectively sang “Ey Iran,” a patriotic song that has become a symbol of protest in recent years. The names of several slain students were repeated by participants. The atmosphere was largely commemorative and mournful, yet chants against repression and arrests were also heard.
In Mashhad, students at the University of Medical Sciences gathered while chanting “Azadi, Azadi” (freedom in Farsi). Videos show students standing in circles in the university courtyard, chanting without physical clashes. However, reports indicated increased security measures around the campus and a visible presence of security personnel.
Some reports claimed that at Sharif University, as chants intensified, the call to prayer was broadcast loudly over campus speakers — an act some students described as an attempt to disrupt the gathering. Despite this, the crowd did not disperse, and the protest continued.
From Sit-Ins to Exam Boycotts
Today’s protests did not emerge in isolation. Since early February, a wave of sit-ins and joint student statements has spread across multiple universities. Students at medical universities in Tehran, Shiraz, and Mashhad staged multi-day sit-ins to protest the arrests of classmates and the killing of students in January. The slogan “A student may die, but will not accept humiliation” became one of the most repeated chants during these actions.
In some universities, students decided to boycott final exams. Statements signed by student associations declared that under circumstances in which their classmates had been killed or imprisoned, “there can be no normal return to classes and examinations.” In at least one case, students from more than twenty universities announced plans for coordinated strikes in late February.
At the same time, disciplinary cases have reportedly been opened against protesting students in several institutions. Some have described threats of suspension or expulsion. Yet these pressures have not stopped the release of new statements. One such statement read: “We picked up our pens to write, but words fall short in the face of violence.”
Universities as a Collective Memory of Protest
Why has the student movement remained active despite heavy repression and widespread arrests? The answer lies partly in the historical role of universities in Iran’s political life. For decades, campuses have been among the first spaces where social discontent becomes visible. Students, due to their age, networks, and connection to broader segments of society, often act as amplifiers of wider public demands.
The January protests, which began over economic grievances, quickly took on a political character with strong student participation. The return to in-person classes has meant returning to campuses that still carry the wounds of those events. For many students, the fortieth day memorial is not merely symbolic; it is a reminder of classmates and friends who are no longer present in lecture halls.
Meanwhile, some officials have floated proposals to designate “official spaces” for student protests on campuses — a move described as an effort to “manage” demonstrations. Among many students, however, the idea has been met with skepticism. They argue that protest only has meaning when it is spontaneous and independent, not confined to pre-approved boundaries.
Students chanted: “After all these years of crime, death to this rule.” “This is the year of blood; Seyed Ali will be overthrown.” “We did not give our lives to compromise, nor to praise a murderous leader.” “Death to the dictator.” “We fight, we die, we take Iran back.” “This is the final message: the entire system is the target.”
Diverse Voices, Shared Demands
One defining feature of today’s demonstrations was the diversity of slogans and political expressions. Alongside sharp anti-government chants, other messages were voiced, reflecting the variety of political views among students. While disagreements are visible, there remains a shared point of convergence: opposition to the current situation and rejection of repression.
Social media played a crucial role in documenting events. Videos and real-time reports from different campuses allowed a broader picture to emerge. Much of this coverage was produced directly by students themselves.
Taken together, what unfolded across Iranian universities on February 21 was more than a one-day protest. It signaled that despite security pressure and disciplinary threats, universities remain one of the main arenas for expressing dissent. The reopening of campuses did not lead to normalization. Instead, it created a new opportunity for students to restate their demands.
Given the trajectory of recent weeks, the student movement appears to be entering a phase that combines remembrance of those killed with calls for accountability and broader political change. Where this wave will lead depends on multiple factors — from the state’s response to the potential expansion of solidarity beyond campuses. What is clear for now is that universities have once again become a central pulse in Iran’s social and political transformation.
Ali Akbar Abolhasani, the son-in-law of Mohammad Javad Larijani, who is a senior foreign policy advisor to Ali Khamenei, and the brother of Ali Larijani, who has been the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council since 2025.
Abolhasani, the former Deputy for Student Affairs at Sharif University of Technology, is also a member of the university’s Basij. That means he stands right at the intersection of university, security, and power.
In a video that was released, Abolhasani tells a student: “Go to Kahrizak and look for your friends there, yeah…”
You can’t understand this sentence without the context. “Kahrizak” for people in Iran, it reminds them of detention, death, and humiliation. In this moment, it clearly points to the same morgue where shocking images of hundreds of people killed on January 8 and 9 came out in black bags, and put the whole society in shock.
This is the moment when words are not normal anymore. Every word carries the shadow of a whole system behind it. When “Kahrizak” is used as a response to a student’s protest, it means the line between a classroom and a morgue is basically gone.
The student is standing there, speaking, protesting. But the answer is not an argument. The answer is a reminder of the morgue. It’s basically a threat, pointing to a death that already happened.
This is not about “foreign interference” or some so-called “terrorism.” This is about answering protest with death. That one sentence shows the whole reality of what happened on January 8 and 9
https://firenexttime.net/iranian-univer ... PZBpXFXlIQ
February 21, 2026
Siyavash Shahabi
February 21, 2026, saw Iranian universities once again turn into arenas of protest, chanting, and confrontation. The first day of in-person classes after weeks of closures and online instruction coincided with the fortieth day since those killed in the January protests. Rather than marking a return to “normal life,” it exposed, once again, the deep divide between students and the state.
The January 2026 protests, which began on January 8, became one of the largest waves of unrest in recent years. Initially triggered by economic grievances — including a sharp currency collapse and the U.S. dollar surpassing 150,000 tomans — they quickly evolved into explicit political demands targeting the structure of power.
Hundreds were killed during the crackdown, among them a significant number of university students. Thousands more were arrested, suspended, or faced disciplinary proceedings. Universities were temporarily shut down and classes moved online. Yet this week’s reopening demonstrated that closing campuses did not silence dissent.
Back to Campus, Back to the Streets
From the early hours of the morning, several major universities saw gatherings form on campus grounds. At Sharif University of Technology, students assembled in the central courtyard and chanted slogans against Iran’s Supreme Leader, against “religious rule,” and against what they called “dictatorship.” Videos circulating online captured chants such as “Death to the dictator,” “Shame on this rule after years of crime,” and “Death to Khamenei.” Alongside these slogans, other groups voiced different — and at times conflicting — chants, reflecting the diversity of political tendencies among the protesters.
The gathering at Sharif quickly became tense with the arrival of Basij-affiliated student groups and campus security forces. According to footage shared online, verbal confrontations broke out between students and pro-regime groups, and the atmosphere grew heated for several minutes. Some students directly addressed Basij members, chanting, “We are the owners of this country.” The university president reportedly appeared at the scene in an attempt to calm the situation, but the protest continued for hours.
Video shows a pro-regime crowd on one side and students on the other at Sharif University in Tehran, while pro-regime supporters holding flags and chant “Heydar, Heydar,” which refers to a religious Shia element of Imam Ali and Ali Khamanie. Later, they attacked the students.
At Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran, the gathering took a different tone but remained deeply political. Students from various faculties staged a sit-in and lit candles in memory of those killed in January. They collectively sang “Ey Iran,” a patriotic song that has become a symbol of protest in recent years. The names of several slain students were repeated by participants. The atmosphere was largely commemorative and mournful, yet chants against repression and arrests were also heard.
In Mashhad, students at the University of Medical Sciences gathered while chanting “Azadi, Azadi” (freedom in Farsi). Videos show students standing in circles in the university courtyard, chanting without physical clashes. However, reports indicated increased security measures around the campus and a visible presence of security personnel.
Some reports claimed that at Sharif University, as chants intensified, the call to prayer was broadcast loudly over campus speakers — an act some students described as an attempt to disrupt the gathering. Despite this, the crowd did not disperse, and the protest continued.
From Sit-Ins to Exam Boycotts
Today’s protests did not emerge in isolation. Since early February, a wave of sit-ins and joint student statements has spread across multiple universities. Students at medical universities in Tehran, Shiraz, and Mashhad staged multi-day sit-ins to protest the arrests of classmates and the killing of students in January. The slogan “A student may die, but will not accept humiliation” became one of the most repeated chants during these actions.
In some universities, students decided to boycott final exams. Statements signed by student associations declared that under circumstances in which their classmates had been killed or imprisoned, “there can be no normal return to classes and examinations.” In at least one case, students from more than twenty universities announced plans for coordinated strikes in late February.
At the same time, disciplinary cases have reportedly been opened against protesting students in several institutions. Some have described threats of suspension or expulsion. Yet these pressures have not stopped the release of new statements. One such statement read: “We picked up our pens to write, but words fall short in the face of violence.”
Universities as a Collective Memory of Protest
Why has the student movement remained active despite heavy repression and widespread arrests? The answer lies partly in the historical role of universities in Iran’s political life. For decades, campuses have been among the first spaces where social discontent becomes visible. Students, due to their age, networks, and connection to broader segments of society, often act as amplifiers of wider public demands.
The January protests, which began over economic grievances, quickly took on a political character with strong student participation. The return to in-person classes has meant returning to campuses that still carry the wounds of those events. For many students, the fortieth day memorial is not merely symbolic; it is a reminder of classmates and friends who are no longer present in lecture halls.
Meanwhile, some officials have floated proposals to designate “official spaces” for student protests on campuses — a move described as an effort to “manage” demonstrations. Among many students, however, the idea has been met with skepticism. They argue that protest only has meaning when it is spontaneous and independent, not confined to pre-approved boundaries.
Students chanted: “After all these years of crime, death to this rule.” “This is the year of blood; Seyed Ali will be overthrown.” “We did not give our lives to compromise, nor to praise a murderous leader.” “Death to the dictator.” “We fight, we die, we take Iran back.” “This is the final message: the entire system is the target.”
Diverse Voices, Shared Demands
One defining feature of today’s demonstrations was the diversity of slogans and political expressions. Alongside sharp anti-government chants, other messages were voiced, reflecting the variety of political views among students. While disagreements are visible, there remains a shared point of convergence: opposition to the current situation and rejection of repression.
Social media played a crucial role in documenting events. Videos and real-time reports from different campuses allowed a broader picture to emerge. Much of this coverage was produced directly by students themselves.
Taken together, what unfolded across Iranian universities on February 21 was more than a one-day protest. It signaled that despite security pressure and disciplinary threats, universities remain one of the main arenas for expressing dissent. The reopening of campuses did not lead to normalization. Instead, it created a new opportunity for students to restate their demands.
Given the trajectory of recent weeks, the student movement appears to be entering a phase that combines remembrance of those killed with calls for accountability and broader political change. Where this wave will lead depends on multiple factors — from the state’s response to the potential expansion of solidarity beyond campuses. What is clear for now is that universities have once again become a central pulse in Iran’s social and political transformation.
Ali Akbar Abolhasani, the son-in-law of Mohammad Javad Larijani, who is a senior foreign policy advisor to Ali Khamenei, and the brother of Ali Larijani, who has been the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council since 2025.
Abolhasani, the former Deputy for Student Affairs at Sharif University of Technology, is also a member of the university’s Basij. That means he stands right at the intersection of university, security, and power.
In a video that was released, Abolhasani tells a student: “Go to Kahrizak and look for your friends there, yeah…”
You can’t understand this sentence without the context. “Kahrizak” for people in Iran, it reminds them of detention, death, and humiliation. In this moment, it clearly points to the same morgue where shocking images of hundreds of people killed on January 8 and 9 came out in black bags, and put the whole society in shock.
This is the moment when words are not normal anymore. Every word carries the shadow of a whole system behind it. When “Kahrizak” is used as a response to a student’s protest, it means the line between a classroom and a morgue is basically gone.
The student is standing there, speaking, protesting. But the answer is not an argument. The answer is a reminder of the morgue. It’s basically a threat, pointing to a death that already happened.
This is not about “foreign interference” or some so-called “terrorism.” This is about answering protest with death. That one sentence shows the whole reality of what happened on January 8 and 9
https://firenexttime.net/iranian-univer ... PZBpXFXlIQ